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61.
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Despite some understanding of general correlates and possible antecedents to intimate partner violence (IPV) within the Christian
community, the impact of religious and spiritual factors tends to be confounded by other factors and is often misjudged. Archival
data from Wave III of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) were used to examine the impact of
nine religious and spiritual factors on the probability of IPV perpetration by males, aged 18 to 26, who nominally classified
themselves as Catholic, Protestant, or Christian. Logistic regression results indicated that IPV perpetration could not be
adequately predicted from the religious and spiritual factors. Given the geographic breadth and the size of the Add Health
sample, no finding of a predictive model for Christian male-perpetrated IPV challenges the paradigm that religious and spiritual
factors should be overtly addressed in faith-based batterers’ programs targeting young adult males. 相似文献
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Henry J. Frundt 《拉美政治与社会》2010,52(3):99-129
What is required for sustaining an alliance between union and environmental activists? Applying grounded theory to a case study in the Costa Rican banana sector, this article reveals five historical phases. First, unions and environmentalists identify common opportunity structures for joint action. Second, a preexisting network becomes a resource for mobilization. Third, the new coalition engages in communicative action that leads to shared identity and cultural framing and a foundation for handling exogenous global forces. Market policy changes in the fourth phase stimulate a transnational activist network and framing linkages. Dramatic supply disruptions in the fifth precipitate autonomous organizational approaches that require reframing, identity extension, and flexibility. This study argues that the Costa Rican case can be generalized to other labor‐environmental coalitions if such alliances create simple, open structures that agilely adapt to external opportunity structures and expand frames that encourage collaborative autonomy and dualistic collective definitions. 相似文献
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Daniel Smilov 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2010,53(1):67-77
This article explores the reasons for the introduction of anticorruption agencies of a specific type in Eastern Europe. It
is argued that one of the important functions of these agencies—which are stronger on information gathering, coordination
and strategy rather than on investigation of concrete cases—is to give to the government some leverage over the anticorruption
discourse. Presenting the anticorruption commissions and agencies as (discourse-controlling) instruments gives an answer to
the troubling question why governing parties are at all interested in the introduction of such bodies. Apart from instrumentalization in political discourse, anticorruption
bodies in Eastern Europe have had other effects as well. As shown in the Baltic case, institutional engineering provides for
a brief window of opportunity during which political forces committed to integrity could gain the upper hand. The problem
in Eastern Europe, however, is not the lack of such windows of opportunities—it is more the lack of really committed political
forces capable of continuous and consistent anticorruption effort. 相似文献
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